It is a great pleasure and honour for me to be awarded an honorary professorship by you today. I am very humbled by this accolade. For many years now, Beida has been one of the best and most renowned universities in China. And it is a shining example of cooperation between our countries, between Germany and China.

Cai Yuanpei, the great Chinese education reformer, began his academic career in Germany. After studying with the greats of German social sciences and humanities at the University of Leipzig, he established ethnology as a modern science in China, paved the way for women in universities and academia for the first time, and became President of this very university, Beida.

Sixty-five years later, in 1981, right at the start of China’s opening up under Deng Xiaoping, Beida set up a partnership with Freie Universität Berlin. This is now one of the longest and most productive university partnerships between our two countries. I am happy that the President of Freie Universität Berlin is accompanying me in Beijing today. A warm welcome to you, Professor Günter Ziegler.

Cai Yuanpei found a motto that expresses in words the guiding principles of this university, its students and its researchers to this day: „Freedom of thought and embracing of diversity.“ Let us adhere to this spirit! May freedom of thought and the embracing of diversity continue to inspire German‑Chinese friendship, not only between researchers and students, but also between our peoples as a whole.

Esteemed guests and students, my state visit to China has also taken me to another famous figure in the history of German-Chinese encounters, Li Hongzhang, and his former residence in Hefei.

Li Hongzhang was a good generation older than Cai Yuanpei and liaised closely with Europe and the political and business elites of his time. For example, in 1896, he visited Otto von Bismarck, the former Chancellor of the German Empire, at the latter’s residence, Friedrichsruh manor near Hamburg.

Li Hongzhang – undoubtedly a contentious figure by today’s standards – was a statesman in an age of profound turmoil. The old dynastic order was coming to an end – in China and in my country. Industrialisation and new technologies were pushing people and countries towards a hitherto unknown tempo of progress. It was crucial to keep up – but also to preserve one’s own identity. Does that sound familiar to us today?

Li Hongzhang found words to describe his era – a phrase that still has an impact today. He spoke of „great changes unseen in 3000 years“. This phrase reflects not only the experience of great upheaval, but also the recognition that the future had become open. No longer was it merely a continuation of the present and the past. It was now open as to which forces would prevail and which new order would emerge from the transformation.

In my country – and we must be honest about this era – nationalism, xenophobia and militarism would become the prevailing forces that would unleash two World Wars.

Here in China, it was an age of internal tension and external intervention, but also a time of renewal and reforms in education, the administration, the economy and the military. The Imperial University of Peking, today’s Beida, was founded in 1898. Its very foundation reflected this spirit of the times. Germany was one of the places abroad to whose experience the Chinese reformers looked at the time.

These reformers did not wish to adopt a foreign model, but rather to improve their own country in discussion and debate with ideas from abroad. We see this in the history of this university’s first years. Its foundational programme spoke of interaction between Chinese and Western knowledge. The Institute for German Studies, which was founded over 100 years ago, is the oldest one in all China. I am happy that this longstanding tradition of mutual inspiration and enrichment has continued, for example in the German Studies Centre with the Freie Universität Berlin and the Humboldt Universität zu Berlin.

Today, too, we are living in an age of profound turmoil. There are good reasons why your President, Xi Jinping, whom I will meet tomorrow for in-depth talks, speaks of „great changes unseen in 100 years“. Be it in technology, the global economy or relations between countries, once again, much is in motion. And once again, the future is open.

Many people are troubled by this uncertainty. And I admit that I, too, am concerned about certain developments, including in the relations between our countries. And naturally, we need to speak about what worries us and what is a source of discordance between us. However, when we think back to the late 19th century, there are two crucial differences between the era of transformation then and today.

The first difference concerns China. Today, China is no longer merely a country that must react to changes. China itself is the change. It has become an influential global power. Its economic strength, technological expertise and political influence have increased dramatically.

The second difference is that our world did not have a comprehensive rules-based international order in the late 19th century. There was no United Nations or generally recognised system of rules and institutions to resolve conflicts peacefully. There was no international order to curb imperialism and colonialism or to prevent the calamity of two World Wars. Fortunately, we now have this type of order.

Or should I say that we still have it? After all, the international order is more contested than ever. We are living amidst geopolitical upheaval and tensions that spill over into numerous crises and conflicts. Hundreds of thousands of people are suffering violence and displacement. International law, even the minimum standards of humanitarian international law, which was drawn up by humankind from the experience of four centuries of war and brutality, is being violated every day – and what is even worse, these violations are increasingly being ignored. The authority of the United Nations and its institutions is being deliberately undermined.

In other words, an order, which was never perfect, but nevertheless formed the basis for international cooperation, is eroding. There is a risk that rules will no longer matter. I see a great danger for us all here.

One may ask if I am not expressing this concern too much from the viewpoint of my country, which is relatively small compared to China? Does my concern actually affect the great powers? It is often said that only small countries need rules, that the big ones do not need them, as the law of the strong always prevails over the strength of the law.

I firmly believe that those who choose this course will encounter dangerous waters. In the short term, the great powers may benefit if, without rules, they can act entirely in their own interest and without consideration for others. But this is a fallacy in the medium and long term. Naturally, China and Germany are very different in terms of size, population and market power. However, we are similar in one important respect: both our economies depend on a high level of exports. And those who want to enjoy success on the world’s markets need a modicum of predictability and reliability, both of which only come from rules that are respected.

That is why I firmly believe that it is both our responsibility and in our own interest to protect and strengthen the rules-based international order. I would like to speak about this today.

There are three tasks in particular where the international order must prove its worth. Firstly, security. Can it protect peace? Secondly, trade. Can it facilitate mutually beneficial economic exchange? And thirdly, common global goods. Can it enable us to also meet joint challenges together?

Allow me to start with the first and most important question, protecting peace and security for all peoples and nations. This was what humankind learned from the catastrophes of the past. The Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international law, rules and forums for conflict resolution and cooperation – people all over the world longed for and conceived these accomplishments. They were not a Western or European invention. They were the will and work of all those who wanted to make imperialism, violence and heteronomy as a means of doing international politics a thing of the past.

The existence of this international order is the greatest achievement of the 20th century for civilisation. Defending this success and adapting it to a changed geopolitical reality is the task for the 21st century, a joint task.

Some countries have a particularly crucial role to play here. With size and power comes great responsibility, too. The P5 in particular bear special responsibility in the United Nations system, and in view of the many conflicts – in the Middle East and the Sudan, for example – it is absolutely crucial to end the stalemate in the Security Council and to ensure that the United Nations, a key institution, is able to function once more.

War is also being waged in my continent, in Europe. Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine is an attack on the principle of the international order whereby borders may not be forcibly altered and no country may deprive another of its freedom and autonomy. The people of Ukraine must be able to choose their own path to the future – just like the Chinese, the Germans and people of other nationalities want to do.

However, in waging war, Russia is not only attacking Ukraine, but endangering peace in Europe as a whole. You will recall that Europe did not seek confrontation with Russia. On the contrary, my country in particular – including me personally – endeavoured to establish a stable and reliable security architecture with Russia for decades after the Cold War. But Russia chose the path of confrontation. A few months ago, an airport in the heart of Germany was attacked by drones, and the trail to the perpetrators leads to Russia. We cannot accept this. Europe’s security is at the heart of our core interests.

China’s interests are also at stake here. As a major economic and trading power, your country also depends on conflicts not turning into permanent blockades. If shipping is jeopardised in maritime routes such as the Black Sea, the Strait of Hormuz or the Bab al-Mandab Strait, this poses a threat to supply chains, energy supplies and food security all over the world. The longer these conflicts last, the weaker the entire global economy and thus also one of its largest economies, namely China, will become.

China is a permanent member of the Security Council and has close ties with Russia, so let us work together to persuade Russia to cease its attacks and engage in serious negotiations. It is high time for this. After almost five years of war, longer than the First World War, after hundreds of thousands of deaths, after daily attacks on heat, infrastructure, water and electricity, especially now as winter looms, people long for an end to the suffering. They rightfully expect us to use the different means available to us, but to work together to bring this about.

Economic exchange is the second important task of the international order and closely linked to the first one, because when peace prevails and rules apply, nations can trade with one another and generate great prosperity.

Our countries, Germany and China, are excellent examples of this. Germany was able to achieve great prosperity in recent decades because my country was allowed to rejoin the international order and to integrate into an increasingly interlinked global economy after the two World Wars unleashed by Germany. My country’s reunification was only possible because our neighbours in Europe and partners around the world put their trust in us. In the European Union, an enormous single market – indeed, the largest one in the world – has been consolidated in our continent’s East and West, with the German economy at its heart. I am proud of what the people in my country did with this opportunity. To this day, German products and companies enjoy an outstanding reputation all over the world.

China can also look back on a remarkable history of economic success. Since opening up, your country has achieved an economic rise whose speed and dimensions are unprecedented in the history of the world. I have the utmost respect for this. Today, China is not only one of the largest economies, but also one of the most innovative. It is the global leader in many high-tech markets. Germany, too, was closely involved in this story as a trade partner, investor, partner in joint ventures, supplier of machines, equipment and vehicles, purchaser of Chinese goods, academic cooperation partner and in many other ways.

The history of our economic relations proves that free and fair trade benefits all sides. Win-win was our recipe for success for a long time.

And because our two economies, as well as the world around us, are undergoing dynamic change, we must repeatedly check whether this recipe for success is still the right one for us; we need to review where it is under pressure and needs to be refined, in the same way that a large, complex building has to be repaired time and again over the years so that it remains structurally sound. This is how I see our current talks on economic and trade policy. I am speaking here both as President of the Federal Republic of Germany and as a European, because as an integrated single market, we draw up our trade policy jointly.

Our goal as Europeans is clear. We do not want to decouple from China. On the contrary, we want to ensure that trade continues to be of benefit to both sides. To put it succinctly, our win-win must not be allowed to become a win-lose. Partnership only holds if both sides have something to gain. That is why we are seeking solutions through dialogue for the sectors where great imbalances have arisen. German and Chinese companies increasingly compete in many markets, in high tech and sophisticated markets, such as automotive manufacturing and mechanical engineering. Competition is good and motivates everyone – but only when it is based on fair rules and a level playing field. That is what we are seeking in our political talks.

I am deliberately speaking here of trade and economic policy as part of the larger international order, as I want to make clear that we Germans do not want the world to disintegrate into blocs once again. We do not want any new confrontation between blocs. Not only would this be dangerous for international security, it would also lead to economic losses for us all. It would be a reversal of the success story from which China and Germany have benefited for so many decades.

In recent years, China has pursued an economic policy aimed at the greatest possible autonomy. It is understandable that China wants to protect its economy against external shocks and negative influences. That goes without saying. However, China having greater autonomy must not mean conversely that others are increasingly dependent on China and vulnerable to it. When we Europeans see that our companies only have strictly controlled access to the Chinese market, or indeed no access, while large amounts of subsidised Chinese exports flow to our markets, or when China controls the flow of important raw materials and precursors, this gives rise to the danger of unilateral vulnerability for us. This is not something we Europeans could want for our economy, just as China does not want this for its economy. We Europeans cannot allow our industrial base to come under threat. China, where industrialisation has been the key to prosperity and political stability, understands this. That is why I am confident that we will find solutions through dialogue – solutions that will not cut our economic ties, but on the contrary make them more resilient for the future. The latest talks between EU Commissioner Šefčovič and Minister Wang on the hybrid vehicle sector showed that solutions can be reached. I can only congratulate us on this and encourage both sides to continue the talks on further sectors in exactly this spirit. Solutions can hardly work if there is confrontation.

Thirdly, I would like to speak about a further task where the international order must prove itself, namely enabling us to solve the great challenges faced by the international community together.

First and foremost, this means protecting the climate and the environment so that our children and grandchildren can also enjoy our planet’s beauty and richness. China and Germany hold special responsibility for this. Both have technological skills, strong industries and scientific expertise. However, both also know that no country can curb climate change on its own.

I am glad that our countries are working together on solutions in many forms and forums; we should also be advocates internationally for greater cooperation on climate action and environmental protection. In Luogang Central Park in Hefei, one of the largest urban parks in the world, I saw an example of how German and Chinese partners are working on the principle of the sponge city, that is, on how modern cities can collect, store and make the best use of the precious resource of water. I also visited a research centre run by the German Volkswagen concern, where the newest zero-emission vehicles are being developed and tested.

Our scientific cooperation is of great importance in this matter. Alongside the heads of the large German and Chinese scientific organisations – allow me to also welcome Professor Patrick Cramer of the Max Planck Society who is here with us – I visited a project in Beijing today in which extensive meteorological data are gathered and evaluated. And by the way, even without a meteorological mast or data analysis I can feel how much the air and urban climate have improved here in Beijing since my visits here 10 or 20 years ago and how quiet the city’s traffic has become thanks to e-mobility. This, too, is the result of modern, sustainable planning. I congratulate you on this progress.

A second example that I would like to address is artificial intelligence. It is changing our lives every day – how we learn, work, communicate with others and spend our free time. Its progress is so fast and overwhelming that humankind faces a new question – how can we set limits on a technology that we ourselves are developing before it sets limits on us humans?

Here, too, neither the opportunities nor the risks of artificial intelligence stop at national borders. Naturally, not all countries have to take the same path in developing and using new technologies. Neither do China or Europe. But we should set up international safeguards together so that people can control technology, and not the other way around.

The great German poet Johann Wolfgang von Goethe had his sorcerer’s apprentice say: „The spirits that I summoned, I now cannot rid myself of again.“ We cannot simply recall the forces that we unleash with artificial intelligence, neither the good nor the dangerous ones, and that is why we should use these forces, but not set them loose without thinking of the consequences. That, too, is our responsibility and I hope that Germany and China will also discuss this matter.

In my three decades in German politics, I have visited China many times and been to many different places and regions. I have followed the development of the country and its people with great interest and respect. This is my last visit as a holder of public office, and that is why I was especially eager to travel to a place I had never been before, but which is of particular importance to China’s culture and civilisation, namely the Huangshan Mountains.

I think that I can speak not only for myself, but also for many members of my delegation, when I say that we were truly awed by the beauty and unique magic of the mountain range that has inspired so many poets, artists and calligraphers. But it is not only cliffs and pines, or mists and clouds, that make this place special. It is the wide views that open to our eyes up there.

Looking at the big picture helps us in this time of frantic change, where agitation and irritability are the order of the day. I hope that in my speech today, I have succeeded in looking beyond this day to the future of the international order and the questions that preoccupy us Germans in this regard. And I hope that while listening to this speech, you have felt that Germany looks optimistically to the future of an international community in which all actors, especially such powerful ones as China and Europe, live up to their responsibility.

We Europeans are well disposed to China’s rise, but we also have expectations. In brief, we are not worried that China is rising. We look at how China is rising.

For this situation, we have a shared compass: the values and rules of an international order that gives all countries and peoples the space and the right to grow; an order that safeguards peace, fosters prosperity and enables joint solutions; an order in which the rise of one country does not mean the decline of another. That is the wide view I would welcome.

The wide distances in the Huangshan Mountains and people’s experiences of the wide open skies there did not only influence Chinese thinking and art – they also moved and inspired many Europeans. And that has been the case for generations. When I stood at Yuping Peak yesterday, I thought, for example, of the German painter Caspar David Friedrich. On the recent 250th anniversary of his birth, we Germans commemorated him with exhibitions throughout the country. When he cast his Romantic eye across the landscapes of the Elbe Sandstone Mountains, was Caspar David Friedrich perhaps also influenced by chinoiserie, by the East Asian porcelain, drawings and textiles that had been passionately collected at the court of Saxony a century earlier? I guess we will never know for certain.

I for one firmly believe that our cultures have encountered and enriched each other for centuries in entwined, often silent, and surprising ways for centuries – and that they will also be able to do so in the future.

In a line written by Nalan Xingde, a poet of the early Qing dynasty, it says: „If only life were like our first encounter.“ There is melancholy in this sentence. However, I also hear in it the desire that a long history retain its spirit of openness. I hope that many Chinese and German people, many Chinese and European people, will continue to encounter one another and that they will do so with curiosity and openness. May each and every meeting retain some of the magic of the first encounter.